Most of us still find it impossible to grasp the destruction of the World Trade Center. It was real, we saw it, but it does not belong in any reality we can understand. We saw the airliners, full of people who might have been us, streak incomprehensibly toward the walls of steel and glass. We saw them morph into fireballs that trapped thousands of people, working at their desks on a routine morning, in an inferno that killed most of them. We saw the shimmering towers collapse, and the towers of volcanic smoke that rose to take their place in the New York skyline.
The images have been imprinted on our minds, never to be forgotten, but they will not compute.With rare unity, Americans have grasped that this was an assault on their values.
In that sense, the terrorists succeeded. They have rocked our sense of reality. They have confronted us with a horror we could not have imagined, and may never assimilate. But they have also revealed, for everyone to see, the real nature of their cause. The assault is being described as an act of war against America, and it is. But unlike the Pentagon, the World Trade Center had no military significance. Unlike the White House—which the fourth, unsuccessful plane had apparently targeted—it had no political significance for U.S. policy in the Middle East, or anywhere else. The attack on the twin towers cannot be seen as an effort, even a twisted effort, to redress the grievances of people who feel dispossessed. It was an act of sheer destruction, for the sake of destruction.
Our enemy is not Islam. Our enemy is the nihilism of this subculture.
These towers became landmarks of the skyline of New York City, which has always been a powerful symbol in its own right, a beacon of freedom and opportunity. From the Statue of Liberty to the Empire State Building, that skyline was forged from the melting pot where the best in man is refined from the accidents of race and nationality. In Ayn Rand's The Fountainhead , the famous novel of a New York architect, one character says that when he sees the city, "I feel that if a war came to threaten this, I would like to throw myself into space, over the city, and protect these buildings with my body." Many of us wished we could have done just that when we saw the towers finally crumple and collapse.
Technology, achievement, trade, law, peace, freedom—these were the values under attack. They are not American values but human values, the values of civilized life.
Though it is not yet known for certain which particular terrorist band committed the atrocity, we have every reason to believe they sprang from a fanatical subculture of Islamic fundamentalism. But our enemy is not Islam, which created one of the world's great civilizations, nor is it the Arab or Iranian or Afghani peoples. Our enemy is the nihilism of this subculture.
The terrorist leaders claim to speak for Palestinians. But the grievances of that people, even if legitimate, cannot explain the motivation for this act, much less justify it. The terrorists claim to speak for the victims of Western imperialism. But any literal imperialism is a thing of the past, long since redressed by the wealth that Europe and America have showered on these countries. It is clearly not the military or political power but the cultural power of the West that they resent.
What makes them denounce America as the great Satan is nothing as superficial as Coca-Cola or blue jeans. It is our secular culture of freedom, reason, and the pursuit of happiness. They hate our individualism; what they want is an authoritarian society where thought and behavior are controlled by true believers. They hate capitalism as a system of trade, production, innovation, and progress; what they want is a return to a primitive mode of existence from which these "materialist" aspirations have been banished. They hate the political system of individual rights, the rule of law, and secular government; what they want is a tribal society ruled by command.
The nihilist subculture is a worldwide phenomenon. We see it in the Japanese Aum Shinrikyo sect that released poison gas in the Tokyo subways. We see it in the hate-filled eyes of Christian killers in Northern Ireland. We see it in the eco-terrorists who spike trees and blow up electrical transmission towers. We see it in less murderous forms in the anti-globalization protesters who want to stifle international trade. We see it in the theorists of primitivism from Jean-Jacques Rousseau to the Unabomber.
Civilization has always attracted parasites who want to steal wealth from those who produce it. But this phenomenon is different. The nihilists do not seek wealth for themselves. They want to destroy the wealth of others. They do not seek freedom from domination. They want to abolish freedom. They do not seek a place at the table of world commerce. They want to smash the table. They do not seek a better life. They glory in death. They represent the worst form of envy, the most vicious form of human evil. They hate us not for our sins but for our virtues, and they will not be appeased.
The United States and its allies must cease the policy of trying to counter terrorism by negotiation. Negotiation is an exercise of reason that civilized people use to resolve their differences. We are not dealing with civilized people. We must cease the policy of excusing their violence by their poverty and trying to buy them off with subsidies. We are not dealing with people who seek such gain. We must declare war on the terrorists and use whatever force it takes to render them incapable of posing any further threat. In the early 1800s, Thomas Jefferson sent the United States Navy to rid the Barbary Coast of pirates. We urge President Bush and the Congress to undertake a similar campaign not merely against the perpetrators of this outrage but against every nest of terrorists who have declared themselves, by the death and destruction they have wrought, to be enemies of mankind.
In doing so, we will be acting in our own self-defense, with the moral authority of those who have been attacked. But we should understand and declare to the world that we are acting to preserve a world order on which civilized values depend, and civilized peoples everywhere must join in this cause.
David Kelley es el fundador de The Atlas Society. Filósofo profesional, profesor y autor de best-sellers, ha sido uno de los principales defensores del Objetivismo durante más de 25 años.
David Kelley founded The Atlas Society (TAS) in 1990 and served as Executive Director through 2016. In addition, as Chief Intellectual Officer, he was responsible for overseeing the content produced by the organization: articles, videos, talks at conferences, etc.. Retired from TAS in 2018, he remains active in TAS projects and continues to serve on the Board of Trustees.
Kelley es filósofo profesional, profesor y escritor. Tras doctorarse en filosofía por la Universidad de Princeton en 1975, se incorporó al departamento de filosofía del Vassar College, donde impartió una amplia variedad de cursos de todos los niveles. También ha enseñado filosofía en la Universidad Brandeis y ha dado conferencias con frecuencia en otros campus.
Los escritos filosóficos de Kelley incluyen obras originales sobre ética, epistemología y política, muchas de las cuales desarrollan las ideas objetivistas con mayor profundidad y en nuevas direcciones. Es autor de La evidencia de los sentidosun tratado de epistemología; Verdad y Tolerancia en el Objetivismosobre cuestiones del movimiento Objetivista; Unrugged Individualism: La base egoísta de la benevolenciay El arte de razonarun libro de texto muy utilizado para la introducción a la lógica, ahora en su 5ª edición.
Kelley ha dado conferencias y publicado sobre una amplia gama de temas políticos y culturales. Sus artículos sobre asuntos sociales y política pública han aparecido en Harpers, The Sciences, Reason, Harvard Business Review, The Freeman, On Principle y otros. Durante la década de 1980, escribió con frecuencia para la revista financiera y de negocios Barrons sobre temas como el igualitarismo, la inmigración, las leyes de salario mínimo y la Seguridad Social.
Su libro Una vida propia: derechos individuales y Estado del bienestar es una crítica de las premisas morales del Estado del bienestar y una defensa de alternativas privadas que preserven la autonomía, la responsabilidad y la dignidad individuales. Su aparición en 1998 en el especial "Greed" de John Stossel en ABC/TV suscitó un debate nacional sobre la ética del capitalismo.
Experto en objetivismo reconocido internacionalmente, ha pronunciado numerosas conferencias sobre Ayn Rand, sus ideas y sus obras. Fue asesor de la adaptación cinematográfica de Atlas encogido de hombrosy editor de Atlas Shrugged: La novela, las películas, la filosofía.
"Conceptos y naturalezas: A Commentary on The Realist Turn (by Douglas B. Rasmussen and Douglas J. Den Uyl)," Reason Papers 42, no. 1, (Summer 2021); Esta reseña de un libro reciente incluye una inmersión profunda en la ontología y epistemología de los conceptos.
Los fundamentos del conocimiento. Seis conferencias sobre la epistemología objetivista.
"La primacía de la existencia" y "La epistemología de la percepción", The Jefferson School, San Diego, julio de 1985.
"Universales e inducción", dos ponencias en las conferencias de GKRH, Dallas y Ann Arbor, marzo de 1989.
"Escepticismo", Universidad de York, Toronto, 1987
"La naturaleza del libre albedrío", dos conferencias en el Instituto Portland, octubre de 1986.
"The Party of Modernity", Cato Policy Report, mayo/junio de 2003; y Navigator, noviembre de 2003; un artículo muy citado sobre las divisiones culturales entre las visiones premoderna, moderna (Ilustración) y posmoderna.
"I Don't Have To"(IOS Journal, Volumen 6, Número 1, abril de 1996) y "I Can and I Will"(The New Individualist, Otoño/Invierno de 2011); piezas de acompañamiento sobre cómo hacer realidad el control que tenemos sobre nuestras vidas como individuos.